- By Blake Hounshell
Blake Hounshell is managing editor at Foreign Policy, having formerly been Web editor. Hounshell oversees ForeignPolicy.com and has commissioned and edited numerous cover stories for the print magazine, including National Magazine Award finalist "Why Do They Hate Us?" by Mona Eltahawy. He also edits The Cable, FP's first foray into daily original reporting, and was editor of Colum Lynch's Turtle Bay, which in 2011 won a National Magazine award for best reporting in a digital format.
Blake joined Foreign Policy in 2006 after living in Cairo, where he studied Arabic, missed his Steelers finally win one for the thumb, and worked for the Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies. Blake was a 2011 finalist for the Livingston Awards prize for young journalists for his reporting on the Arab uprisings, and his Twitter feed was named one of Time magazine's "140 Best Twitter Feeds of 2011." Under his leadership, in 2008, Passport, FP's flagship blog, won Media Industry Newsletter's "Best of the Web" award in the blog category. Along with Elizabeth Dickinson, he edited Southern Tiger: Chile's Fight for a Democratic and Prosperous Future, the memoirs of former Chilean president Ricardo Lagos, published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2012.
A graduate of Yale University, Blake speaks mangled Arabic and French, is an avid runner, and lives in Washington with his wife, musician Sandy Choi, and their toddler, David. Follow him on Twitter @blakehounshell.
Mitt Romney often gets dinged for putting very little meat on the bones of his foreign policy, and Monday was no exception — one of the dominant themes of his critics is that his big Virginia Military Institute address offered very few spefic clues as to what he’d do differently than Barack Obama.
But so what? Putting aside the moral question of whether American voters have a right to know what they’re buying, why should Romney offer any specifics that the Obama campaign will just attack anyway? It makes sense for him to be vague now so that he can maximize his flexibility while in office — and avoid damaging intraparty smackdowns on foreign policy while’s he’s trying to win an election. I doubt in any case that voters would punish him for not offering the sorts of wonkish, nuanced positions on Laotian trade tariffs and the frozen Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that Washington foreign-policy hands tend to demand.
That said, Romney has offered more specifics than many of his critics will let on. He’s promising to see that the Syrian rebels get their hands on weapons they can use to take out Bashar al-Assad’s planes and helicopters. He’s vowing to stop Iran from having the capability to develop nuclear weapons, vice Obama’s promise to stop Iran from weaponizing. He’s not going to re-invade Iraq. And he’s more or less conceded that Obama’s 2014 withdrawal date in Afghanistan is appropriate.
These are actually fairly significant matters of war and peace we’re talking about here, and Romney has been just about as forthcoming as any nominee would be in his position.