- By Jamila TrindleJamila Trindle is a senior reporter who covers finance, economics and business where they intersect with national security and foreign policy. Her beat spans everything from the economic underpinnings of conflict to sanctions, corruption and terror finance. Before coming to Foreign Policy magazine, Jamila reported for the Wall Street Journal’s Washington bureau, covering financial regulation and economics. She has also worked as a foreign correspondent in China, Indonesia and Turkey as a freelancer for NPR, Marketplace, The Guardian and others. She moved back to the U.S. to cover the post-crisis economy for PBS in 2009.
While lawmakers are still debating the merits of the interim deal with Iran, Washington seems to agree on at least one thing: sanctions work. The U.S. program to cut Iran off from the international financial system is widely viewed as successful — the only debate in Congress is whether to ratchet up sanctions now, or later.
Though they can’t agree on what to do next, politicians from both sides of the aisle espouse the view that Iran came to the negotiating table because of U.S. sanctions. Secretary of State John Kerry reiterated the argument Wednesday at Transformational Trends, a conference co-hosted by Foreign Policy and the Policy Planning Staff of the U.S. State Department. Kerry said not only did sanctions bring the Iranians to the table, but also the Iranian people elected President Hassan Rouhani to get out from under the sanctions.
The debate over what to do next is borne out of that perceived success – sanctions are so effective, we should add more of them, is the argument from lawmakers who want the U.S. to hold a hardline. Tomorrow, the key officials running the Iran sanctions program are set to rebut that argument in a Senate hearing.
Treasury sanctions chief David Cohen, who will testify tomorrow with head State Department negotiator Wendy Sherman, previewed his argument today in a Wall Street Journal op-ed. Cohen says sanctions brought Iran to the table and the U.S. is not relenting during the interim agreement.
"We will communicate a blunt message to every foreign official, businessperson and banker who thinks now might be a good time to test the waters: We are watching, and we are poised to act against anyone, anywhere, who violates our sanctions," Cohen said in the op-ed.
Cohen followed that threat with action Wednesday, announcing a stiff fine against a Scottish bank for alleged sanctions violations. The Treasury Department said it reached a $100 million settlement with the Royal Bank of Scotland for alleged violations of sanctions against Iran, Sudan and other countries.
"This action demonstrates our continuing efforts to aggressively enforce U.S. sanctions laws against Iran and other sanctioned parties," Office of Foreign Assets Control Director Adam Szubin said in a statement.
Though Obama administration officials promise pressure on Iran will not relent, that’s no guarantee of success. And past examples demonstrate how tricky gauging success can be. Though the Treasury Department managed to cut off North Korea from its primary bank Banco Delta Asia in 2005 applying pressure to the reclusive regime, the tactic never succeeded in getting North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. And while the United States’ decades-long trade embargo against Cuba continues, it doesn’t seem to be leading to any breakthroughs (Obama-Castro handshake, aside).
The problem is that sanctions aren’t an exact science. While strict sanctions seem to have helped get Iran to the table, there’s no way to know for sure. Ali Vaez, senior analyst on Iran with the International Crisis Group, says that view discounts internal factors in Iran, like economic decisions by the Iranian leadership.
"It’s a reductionist view to credit sanctions and only sanctions for this outcome," said Vaez. Therefore, Vaez says, it’s wrong to think "more pain results in more gain" with sanctions policy.
And if the easing of sanctions, under the interim deal reached in Geneva, is meant to coax Iran toward a permanent agreement, it will be hard to call the sanctions a success until negotiators reach a permanent agreement to mothball Iran’s nuclear program.
And as Washington continues to debate between tough and tougher sanctions, the pain that falls on the heads of ordinary Iranians doesn’t really come up. In addition to making it hard to get food and medicine into Iran, sanctions lawyer Farhad Alavi, says there are other ancillary effects.
"It is damn near impossible for Iranians to open foreign bank accounts now," said Alavi, a partner at Akrivis Law Group PLLC. Alavi, who helps companies navigate the sanctions laws, says banks in the U.S. are sophisticated enough to know what’s legal and what’s not, but many banks outside the U.S. don’t want to deal with Iranians, even if they’re not designated by Treasury, because the risk of running afoul of U.S. law is too high.
"The law might say one thing, but it has a cascading effect. It impacts things that aren’t even mentioned in the law," Alavi said. The success of sanctions has effectively made Iran toxic in the international business community, he said. And the full effect of that, good or bad, is yet to be seen.
Josh Rogin covers national security and foreign policy and writes the daily Web column The Cable. His column appears bi-weekly in the print edition of The Washington Post. He can be reached for comments or tips at email@example.com.
Previously, Josh covered defense and foreign policy as a staff writer for Congressional Quarterly, writing extensively on Iraq, Afghanistan, Guantánamo Bay, U.S.-Asia relations, defense budgeting and appropriations, and the defense lobbying and contracting industries. Prior to that, he covered military modernization, cyber warfare, space, and missile defense for Federal Computer Week Magazine. He has also served as Pentagon Staff Reporter for the Asahi Shimbun, Japan's leading daily newspaper, in its Washington, D.C., bureau, where he reported on U.S.-Japan relations, Chinese military modernization, the North Korean nuclear crisis, and more.
A graduate of George Washington University's Elliott School of International Affairs, Josh lived in Yokohama, Japan, and studied at Tokyo's Sophia University. He speaks conversational Japanese and has reported from the region. He has also worked at the House International Relations Committee, the Embassy of Japan, and the Brookings Institution.
Josh's reporting has been featured on CNN, MSNBC, C-Span, CBS, ABC, NPR, WTOP, and several other outlets. He was a 2008-2009 National Press Foundation's Paul Miller Washington Reporting Fellow, 2009 military reporting fellow with the Knight Center for Specialized Journalism and the 2011 recipient of the InterAction Award for Excellence in International Reporting. He hails from Philadelphia and lives in Washington, D.C.| The Cable |
Daniel W. Drezner is professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and a senior editor at The National Interest. Prior to Fletcher, he taught at the University of Chicago and the University of Colorado at Boulder. Drezner has received fellowships from the German Marshall Fund of the United States, the Council on Foreign Relations, and Harvard University. He has previously held positions with Civic Education Project, the RAND Corporation, and the Treasury Department.| Daniel W. Drezner |
Yochi Dreazen is a Managing Editor for News at Foreign Policy. He is also writer-in-residence at the Center for a New American Security. His book about military suicide was published by Random House's Crown division in 2014.
Prior to joining Foreign Policy, Dreazen was a contributing editor at the Atlantic and the senior national security correspondent for National Journal. He began his career at the Wall Street Journal and spent 11 years at the newspaper, most recently as its military correspondent. He was born in Chicago, and later attended the University of Pennsylvania. At Penn, he edited the award-winning daily campus newspaper and graduated Magna Cum Laude in 1999 with degrees in History and English. He was hired by the Wall Street Journal immediately after graduation. Dreazen arrived in Iraq in April 2003 with the Fourth Infantry Division, and spent the next two years living in Baghdad as the Wall Street Journal's main Iraq correspondent.
Dreazen has made more than 12 lengthy trips to Iraq and Afghanistan and has spent a total of nearly four years on the ground in the two countries, mostly doing front-line combat embeds. He has reported from more than 20 countries, including Pakistan, Russia, China, Israel, Japan, Turkey, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia.
In 2010, Dreazen received the Military Reporters & Editors association’s top award for domestic military reporting in a large publication for a series of articles about military suicide and the psychological traumas impacting veterans of the two long wars. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, Smithsonian, Tablet and the New Republic and he appears regularly on TV and radio programs such as NPR's Diane Rehm Show and PBS' Washington Week with Gwen Ifill. Dreazen gives frequent lectures about journalism, the wars and current events to both civilian and military audiences.
Dreazen lives in Washington with his wife, Annie Rosenzweig Dreazen, and their beloved Golden Retriever, Charlie.| The Cable |