GIVE NICHOLAS KRISTOFF HIS DUE:
GIVE NICHOLAS KRISTOFF HIS DUE: I like it when public commentators admit it when they were wrong (and Lord knows, I have to do it all too frequently). Not because it humbles them, but because it sends an important signal of credibility. It tells me that their theoretical take on the world is not rigid ...
GIVE NICHOLAS KRISTOFF HIS DUE: I like it when public commentators admit it when they were wrong (and Lord knows, I have to do it all too frequently). Not because it humbles them, but because it sends an important signal of credibility. It tells me that their theoretical take on the world is not rigid to the point where it distorts their empirical assessment of the world. Which brings me to Kristoff's column today. Here's his opening:
GIVE NICHOLAS KRISTOFF HIS DUE: I like it when public commentators admit it when they were wrong (and Lord knows, I have to do it all too frequently). Not because it humbles them, but because it sends an important signal of credibility. It tells me that their theoretical take on the world is not rigid to the point where it distorts their empirical assessment of the world. Which brings me to Kristoff’s column today. Here’s his opening:
Last September, a gloom-and-doom columnist warned about Iraq: “If we’re going to invade, we need to prepare for a worst-case scenario involving street-to-street fighting.” Ahem. Yes, well, that was my body double while I was on vacation. Since I complained vigorously about this war before it started, it’s only fair for me to look back and acknowledge that many of the things that I — along with other doves — worried about didn’t happen.
He covers a lot of the same ground that I posted about two weeks ago. However, it carries more weight when a dove admits it. Of course, that doesn’t I think Kristoff is right in this conclusion:
The hawks also look increasingly naïve in their expectations that Iraq will soon blossom into a pro-American democracy. For now, the figures who inspire mass support in postwar Iraq are Shiite clerics like Ali al-Sistani (moderate, but tainted by being soft on Saddam), Moqtadah al-Sadr (radical son of a martyr) and Muhammad Bakr al-Hakim (Iran’s candidate), all of whom criticize the United States. As in revolutionary Iran, the Shiite network is the major network left in Iraq, and it will help determine the narrative of the war: infidel invasion or friendly liberation. I’m afraid we infidels had better look out.
We’ll see whether Kristoff is correct. However, approximately 40% of Iraq are not Shi’Ite, and I’m betting that a healthy fraction of the Shi’ites don’t want to see an Islamic Republic. The key will be to see the proliferation of Iraqi media. The more people that see moderately large Shi’ite demonstrations for an Islamic republic, the more it will mobilize alternative social movements who will oppose such actions. The fundamental question is, at this point, whether hard-line Shi’ites will then choose to moderate their tone to stay in the political game a la Tajikistan, or choose secessionist or rejectionist strategies. Developing… UPDATE: Andrew Sullivan has more on Kristoff and the future for democracy in Iraq.
Daniel W. Drezner is a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and co-host of the Space the Nation podcast. Twitter: @dandrezner
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