Further thoughts on soft power
My last post on “soft power” generated quite a debate, in part over terminology, so it’s worth following up a bit. Three points: 1) Here’s a link to one definition. Unfortunately, it’s a bit vague, and as a result people tend to define soft power the same way that Potter Stewart defined pornography — “I ...
My last post on "soft power" generated quite a debate, in part over terminology, so it's worth following up a bit. Three points: 1) Here's a link to one definition. Unfortunately, it's a bit vague, and as a result people tend to define soft power the same way that Potter Stewart defined pornography -- "I know it when I see it." Here's my quick and dirty distinction between hard and soft power:
My last post on “soft power” generated quite a debate, in part over terminology, so it’s worth following up a bit. Three points: 1) Here’s a link to one definition. Unfortunately, it’s a bit vague, and as a result people tend to define soft power the same way that Potter Stewart defined pornography — “I know it when I see it.” Here’s my quick and dirty distinction between hard and soft power:
Hard power is having the capabilities to get others to do what you want them to do. Soft power is having the capabilities to get others to want what you want.
2) For states,* hard power is a crucial component of soft power over the long term. The Soviet Union had soft power when their economy seemed to be growing at a fantastic rate and their military technology seemed on par with the United States. The debate over “Asian values” occurred at the peak of East Asia’s economic growth, and has since subsided. It’s tough to make an argument about the strangth of values without pointing to the material rewards produced by adhering to such values. 3) As long as the American economy and culture remain vibrant, U.S. soft power will exert a powerful pull regardless of the foreign policies of the moment. Consider this Chicago Tribune story on Vietnam’s attitudes towards the United States:
Thirty-six years after the Tet offensive that helped break U.S. resolve in the Vietnam War, young Vietnamese have put the bitter struggle in the past and embraced an America they see as a source of hope…. The Vietnam War killed more than 3 million Vietnamese, yet it does not evoke strong passions here, let alone hatred for an enemy who inflicted so much death and suffering. Instead, many Vietnamese yearn to travel to the U.S., and they see it much the way Americans like their country to be seen: as a shining example of freedom, opportunity and wealth. “My friends who have gone to the U.S. are very lucky,” said Huynh Hoa, 26. “If my daughter [7 months old] can go there one day, maybe I would miss her, but it would be very lucky for her.” More than half the nation’s population is younger than 20. For them, the war is not even a memory but a collection of artifacts and photographs confined to the War Remnants Museum. Their parents and grandparents rarely speak to them of those times, said Xi, 53, who would not give a family name, citing fear of the communist government. “There is no time for that,” she said. “We work hard every day, for money for our families. . . . What happened then is not important now.” “I love America,” Xi said. “I always think American people are the best.”
* Intriguingly, for non-violent, non-state actors, the reverse can be true — the soft power of persuasion can be converted into the hard power of bigger budgets.
Daniel W. Drezner is a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and co-host of the Space the Nation podcast. Twitter: @dandrezner
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