Don’t rush me off the fence, part IV
John Hawkins at Right Wing News has a post entitled “40 Reasons To Vote For George Bush Or Against John Kerry.” I can’t say I found all of them convincing, but #12 is somewhat compelling: John Kerry missed 64% of his votes in the Senate last year and has missed more than 80% of them ...
John Hawkins at Right Wing News has a post entitled "40 Reasons To Vote For George Bush Or Against John Kerry." I can't say I found all of them convincing, but #12 is somewhat compelling:
John Kerry missed 64% of his votes in the Senate last year and has missed more than 80% of them this year. If John Kerry isn't bothering to do the job he has, wouldn't it be a mistake to give him a promotion?
One could plausibly argue that Kerry's full-time job since early 2003 was running for president -- but he could have resigned if that were the case. The lead paragraph in this Reuters story doesn't make me feel any better about Kerry's posturing on Iraq, either:
Democratic candidate John Kerry, whose campaign demanded to know on Wednesday whether President Bush read a key Iraq intelligence assessment, did not read the document himself before voting to give Bush the authority to go to war, aides acknowledged.
Bush apparently didn't read it either, but I'm not sure Kerry wins my vote on the motto, "Vote for me -- I'll start paying attention after I'm elected." This was in the fall of 2002, when Kerry's only job as a candidate was raising money -- which is what all congressmen do all of the time. Plus, it's pretty hypocritical for a legislator to rail about executive branch overreach when he fails to exercise any due diligence when he has an opportunity to constrain said branch. On a related point, Hawkins' 25th reason is also worth checking out. Hmmm... maybe I should get off on the GOP side of the fence -- no wait!! Jesse Walker has a column at Reason online entitled, "Ten Reasons to Fire George W. Bush." His forth reason has weighed heavily on me since day one of the Bush administration:
The culture of secrecy. The Bush administration has nearly doubled the number of classified documents. It has urged agencies, in effect, to refuse as many Freedom of Information Act requests as possible, has invoked executive privilege whenever it can, and has been very free with the redactor's black marker when it does release some information. Obviously, it's impossible to tell how often the data being concealed is genuinely relevant to national security and how often it has more to do with covering a bureaucrat's behind. But there's obviously a lot of ass-covering going on. And even when security is a real issue, all this secrecy doesn't make sense. Earlier this year, the Transportation Security Administration tried to retroactively restrict two pages of public congressional testimony that had revealed how its undercover agents managed to smuggle some guns past screeners. Presumably they were afraid a terrorist would read about it and try the method himself—but it would have made a lot more sense to seek some outsiders' input on how to resolve the putative problem than to try to hide it from our prying eyes. Especially when the information had already been sitting in the public record. The administration has been quick to enforce its code of silence, regularly retaliating against those within its ranks who try to offer an independent perspective on its policies. While the most infamous examples of this involve international affairs, the purest episode may be the case of chief Medicare actuary Richard Foster, who apparently was threatened with dismissal if he told Congress the real projected cost of Bush's Medicare bill. Even if the White House didn't know about the threat—and I strongly suspect that it did—it created the organizational culture that allows such bullying to thrive.
As someone who cares about a good policymaking process as much as a good policymaking outcome -- because the former is a big factor that determines the latter -- the secrecy obsession doesn't sit well with me at all. Such an obession distracts from the suibstance of policy, and also needlessly filters outside feedback, which might be politically frustrating but is nevertheless an essential ingredient to the formulation of good policy. Walker closes his column this way: "Making me root for a sanctimonious statist blowhard like Kerry isn't the worst thing Bush has done to the country. But it's the offense that I take most personally." Walker gives fewer reasons than Hawkins, but the latter has a lot more chaff than wheat. Still on the fence -- but slowly getting more depressed about my choices. UPDATE: John Hawkins posts a response to Walker's points that's worth checking out. And Jonathan Chait's TNR essay about the Bush administration's attitude towards other political actors underscores Walker's point about secrecy. Link via Matthew Yglesias, who thinks I'm undecided because I either want attention or a job from the winning candidate. To be clear -- the reason I'm undecided is because I can't remember an election in my adult lifetime when I've been less enthused with my menu of candidates. There's an old maxim that voting is usually an exercise in choosing the lesser of two evils. I've felt that sentiment in some previous elections, but it was also easy to spot positive qualities that resonated strongly within me. This year I can't muster even the tiniest amount of enthusiasm for any candidate. I'm pretty sure that attitude is not going to earn me a warm place in either candidate's heart. Besides, the Kerry team is already bursting to the gills with policy wonks, and as Mark Kleiman pointed out, the Republicans are probably pissed off at me as well. [What about hallway rumors that you'll be the Republican nominee for the U.S. Senate to face Barack Obama now that Coach Ditka has passed?--ed. Yeah, that's how I want to spend the next three months -- getting thumped in the polls by the keynote speaker at the Democratic National Convention and having to dodge allegations about an unhealthy obsession with Salma Hayek. Not a winning formula for tenure, I'm afraid.]
John Hawkins at Right Wing News has a post entitled “40 Reasons To Vote For George Bush Or Against John Kerry.” I can’t say I found all of them convincing, but #12 is somewhat compelling:
John Kerry missed 64% of his votes in the Senate last year and has missed more than 80% of them this year. If John Kerry isn’t bothering to do the job he has, wouldn’t it be a mistake to give him a promotion?
One could plausibly argue that Kerry’s full-time job since early 2003 was running for president — but he could have resigned if that were the case. The lead paragraph in this Reuters story doesn’t make me feel any better about Kerry’s posturing on Iraq, either:
Democratic candidate John Kerry, whose campaign demanded to know on Wednesday whether President Bush read a key Iraq intelligence assessment, did not read the document himself before voting to give Bush the authority to go to war, aides acknowledged.
Bush apparently didn’t read it either, but I’m not sure Kerry wins my vote on the motto, “Vote for me — I’ll start paying attention after I’m elected.” This was in the fall of 2002, when Kerry’s only job as a candidate was raising money — which is what all congressmen do all of the time. Plus, it’s pretty hypocritical for a legislator to rail about executive branch overreach when he fails to exercise any due diligence when he has an opportunity to constrain said branch. On a related point, Hawkins’ 25th reason is also worth checking out. Hmmm… maybe I should get off on the GOP side of the fence — no wait!! Jesse Walker has a column at Reason online entitled, “Ten Reasons to Fire George W. Bush.” His forth reason has weighed heavily on me since day one of the Bush administration:
The culture of secrecy. The Bush administration has nearly doubled the number of classified documents. It has urged agencies, in effect, to refuse as many Freedom of Information Act requests as possible, has invoked executive privilege whenever it can, and has been very free with the redactor’s black marker when it does release some information. Obviously, it’s impossible to tell how often the data being concealed is genuinely relevant to national security and how often it has more to do with covering a bureaucrat’s behind. But there’s obviously a lot of ass-covering going on. And even when security is a real issue, all this secrecy doesn’t make sense. Earlier this year, the Transportation Security Administration tried to retroactively restrict two pages of public congressional testimony that had revealed how its undercover agents managed to smuggle some guns past screeners. Presumably they were afraid a terrorist would read about it and try the method himself—but it would have made a lot more sense to seek some outsiders’ input on how to resolve the putative problem than to try to hide it from our prying eyes. Especially when the information had already been sitting in the public record. The administration has been quick to enforce its code of silence, regularly retaliating against those within its ranks who try to offer an independent perspective on its policies. While the most infamous examples of this involve international affairs, the purest episode may be the case of chief Medicare actuary Richard Foster, who apparently was threatened with dismissal if he told Congress the real projected cost of Bush’s Medicare bill. Even if the White House didn’t know about the threat—and I strongly suspect that it did—it created the organizational culture that allows such bullying to thrive.
As someone who cares about a good policymaking process as much as a good policymaking outcome — because the former is a big factor that determines the latter — the secrecy obsession doesn’t sit well with me at all. Such an obession distracts from the suibstance of policy, and also needlessly filters outside feedback, which might be politically frustrating but is nevertheless an essential ingredient to the formulation of good policy. Walker closes his column this way: “Making me root for a sanctimonious statist blowhard like Kerry isn’t the worst thing Bush has done to the country. But it’s the offense that I take most personally.” Walker gives fewer reasons than Hawkins, but the latter has a lot more chaff than wheat. Still on the fence — but slowly getting more depressed about my choices. UPDATE: John Hawkins posts a response to Walker’s points that’s worth checking out. And Jonathan Chait’s TNR essay about the Bush administration’s attitude towards other political actors underscores Walker’s point about secrecy. Link via Matthew Yglesias, who thinks I’m undecided because I either want attention or a job from the winning candidate. To be clear — the reason I’m undecided is because I can’t remember an election in my adult lifetime when I’ve been less enthused with my menu of candidates. There’s an old maxim that voting is usually an exercise in choosing the lesser of two evils. I’ve felt that sentiment in some previous elections, but it was also easy to spot positive qualities that resonated strongly within me. This year I can’t muster even the tiniest amount of enthusiasm for any candidate. I’m pretty sure that attitude is not going to earn me a warm place in either candidate’s heart. Besides, the Kerry team is already bursting to the gills with policy wonks, and as Mark Kleiman pointed out, the Republicans are probably pissed off at me as well. [What about hallway rumors that you’ll be the Republican nominee for the U.S. Senate to face Barack Obama now that Coach Ditka has passed?–ed. Yeah, that’s how I want to spend the next three months — getting thumped in the polls by the keynote speaker at the Democratic National Convention and having to dodge allegations about an unhealthy obsession with Salma Hayek. Not a winning formula for tenure, I’m afraid.]
Daniel W. Drezner is a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and co-host of the Space the Nation podcast. Twitter: @dandrezner
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