What is the utility of price stability?
In the Detroit Free Press, Alejandro Bodipo-Memba has an odd story about OPEC’s declining influence over oil prices — and why this might be a bad thing: But as the price of crude oil — the feedstock for gasoline — creeps back up on news that several members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting ...
In the Detroit Free Press, Alejandro Bodipo-Memba has an odd story about OPEC's declining influence over oil prices -- and why this might be a bad thing: But as the price of crude oil -- the feedstock for gasoline -- creeps back up on news that several members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries plan production cuts, it's clear that the cartel no longer wields the power over fuel costs that it once did. For instance, recent announcements by OPEC members Nigeria and Venezuela that they plan to cut their combined production by 170,000 barrels a day in order to push oil prices back above $60 a barrel did not alter the per-barrel price. For Michiganders, the diminishing power of OPEC has two key implications. "In some sense, this is a good thing in that you are taking power away from an oligopoly like OPEC and lessening the influence the group has had on U.S. foreign policy," said Sudip Datta, finance professor and chairman of the T. Norris Hitchman Endowment at the Wayne State University School of Business Administration. On the other hand, with no consensus among the world's leading oil producers, supplies fluctuate and domestic fuel prices are adversely affected. Oil prices more than tripled from an average of $21.84 a barrel in 2001 to a record high of $78.40 in July. Meanwhile, pump prices in Michigan more than doubled to $3.11 a gallon this summer, as OPEC continued to cede its power to speculators in the petroleum market. Barring a major supply disruption because of a hurricane or an accident this fall, gas prices are expected to stay at $2 to $2.25 a gallon, according to the Energy Information Administration in Washington, D.C. Part of OPEC's stated mission is to "coordinate and unify" global petroleum policies and "ensure the stabilization of oil prices" to provide a steady supply of product at a fair price. The 11-member oil cartel said on its Web site that oil prices were "out of line" with supply and demand fundamentals. It also acknowledged that its influence over petroleum pricing was increasingly limited.... From 1975 to 1990 and the start of the Persian Gulf War, the price of imported oil rarely got above $32 a barrel and Michigan gas prices hovered between 50 cents and $1, in large part because of OPEC's use of production controls that often benefited U.S. consumers. Today, hedge funds, pension fund managers and investment bankers are placing huge bets that oil prices will keep going up because political unrest in some OPEC countries and the emergence of China and India as major consumers of petroleum will continue to make oil a rare commodity. This is an odd story for a few reasons. First, the claim that "OPEC's use of production controls... often benefited U.S. consumers" is certainly an interesting one. Saudi Arabia was certainly responsible for whatever downward pressure there was on oil prices during this period -- but claiming that OPEC kept oil prices low during this period is certainly an interesting one. Second, if you look at the OPEC statement cited in the story, it becomes clear that OPEC's motives might differ somewhat from what Bodipo-Memba ascribes to them: The reasons for this protracted volatility are, by now, familiar to OPEC Bulletin readers and relate to an unusual convergence of factors: the exceptionally strong world economic growth and, in turn, oil demand growth, especially in developing countries; the slow-down in non-OPEC supply growth, although this is picking-up again; tightness in the downstream sectors of major consumer countries; geopolitical concerns; major natural disasters; and heightened levels of speculative behaviour.... OPEC is very much aware that the more prices are out of line with demand and supply fundamentals, the more likely they are to lead to increased volatility, and this can be damaging to all the players in the market. However, the impact of OPEC?s measures varies according to the market conditions. Throughout the present volatile conditions, OPEC has ensured that the market has remained well-supplied with crude, as well as accelerating plans to increase production capacity, so as to help cater for the continued rise in demand forecast for the coming years. But, since other factors have been primarily responsible for the recent price rises, OPEC?s influence has been limited. This assessment has some truth.... but it's also a way for OPEC to say, "Don't blame us for the high prices that are enriching our members." Finally, Bodipo-Memba overlooks the obvious angle for why Michiganders would benefit from price stability, even if the price of oil is relatively high -- it provides a set of stable expectations for car manufacturers as they plan production for the future. This raises a few interesting questions: 1) For which commodities is price stability a particular virtue? 2) What is the acceptable premium for keeping a price stable over prices that are lower on average but with greater volatility?
In the Detroit Free Press, Alejandro Bodipo-Memba has an odd story about OPEC’s declining influence over oil prices — and why this might be a bad thing:
But as the price of crude oil — the feedstock for gasoline — creeps back up on news that several members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries plan production cuts, it’s clear that the cartel no longer wields the power over fuel costs that it once did. For instance, recent announcements by OPEC members Nigeria and Venezuela that they plan to cut their combined production by 170,000 barrels a day in order to push oil prices back above $60 a barrel did not alter the per-barrel price. For Michiganders, the diminishing power of OPEC has two key implications. “In some sense, this is a good thing in that you are taking power away from an oligopoly like OPEC and lessening the influence the group has had on U.S. foreign policy,” said Sudip Datta, finance professor and chairman of the T. Norris Hitchman Endowment at the Wayne State University School of Business Administration. On the other hand, with no consensus among the world’s leading oil producers, supplies fluctuate and domestic fuel prices are adversely affected. Oil prices more than tripled from an average of $21.84 a barrel in 2001 to a record high of $78.40 in July. Meanwhile, pump prices in Michigan more than doubled to $3.11 a gallon this summer, as OPEC continued to cede its power to speculators in the petroleum market. Barring a major supply disruption because of a hurricane or an accident this fall, gas prices are expected to stay at $2 to $2.25 a gallon, according to the Energy Information Administration in Washington, D.C. Part of OPEC’s stated mission is to “coordinate and unify” global petroleum policies and “ensure the stabilization of oil prices” to provide a steady supply of product at a fair price. The 11-member oil cartel said on its Web site that oil prices were “out of line” with supply and demand fundamentals. It also acknowledged that its influence over petroleum pricing was increasingly limited…. From 1975 to 1990 and the start of the Persian Gulf War, the price of imported oil rarely got above $32 a barrel and Michigan gas prices hovered between 50 cents and $1, in large part because of OPEC’s use of production controls that often benefited U.S. consumers. Today, hedge funds, pension fund managers and investment bankers are placing huge bets that oil prices will keep going up because political unrest in some OPEC countries and the emergence of China and India as major consumers of petroleum will continue to make oil a rare commodity.
This is an odd story for a few reasons. First, the claim that “OPEC’s use of production controls… often benefited U.S. consumers” is certainly an interesting one. Saudi Arabia was certainly responsible for whatever downward pressure there was on oil prices during this period — but claiming that OPEC kept oil prices low during this period is certainly an interesting one. Second, if you look at the OPEC statement cited in the story, it becomes clear that OPEC’s motives might differ somewhat from what Bodipo-Memba ascribes to them:
The reasons for this protracted volatility are, by now, familiar to OPEC Bulletin readers and relate to an unusual convergence of factors: the exceptionally strong world economic growth and, in turn, oil demand growth, especially in developing countries; the slow-down in non-OPEC supply growth, although this is picking-up again; tightness in the downstream sectors of major consumer countries; geopolitical concerns; major natural disasters; and heightened levels of speculative behaviour…. OPEC is very much aware that the more prices are out of line with demand and supply fundamentals, the more likely they are to lead to increased volatility, and this can be damaging to all the players in the market. However, the impact of OPEC?s measures varies according to the market conditions. Throughout the present volatile conditions, OPEC has ensured that the market has remained well-supplied with crude, as well as accelerating plans to increase production capacity, so as to help cater for the continued rise in demand forecast for the coming years. But, since other factors have been primarily responsible for the recent price rises, OPEC?s influence has been limited.
This assessment has some truth…. but it’s also a way for OPEC to say, “Don’t blame us for the high prices that are enriching our members.” Finally, Bodipo-Memba overlooks the obvious angle for why Michiganders would benefit from price stability, even if the price of oil is relatively high — it provides a set of stable expectations for car manufacturers as they plan production for the future. This raises a few interesting questions:
1) For which commodities is price stability a particular virtue? 2) What is the acceptable premium for keeping a price stable over prices that are lower on average but with greater volatility?
Daniel W. Drezner is a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University and co-host of the Space the Nation podcast. Twitter: @dandrezner
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