Marine colonel: Drop the Cuba embargo
Here’s a Friday special for you. Or, Monty Python would say, something completely different . Another of the great things about CNAS is our military fellows program , which brings in smart officers from the military services, as well as the Air Force. They are a major part of the institution, bringing recent experiences in ...
Here’s a Friday special for you. Or, Monty Python would say,
something completely different
Another of the great things about
military fellows program
, which brings in smart officers from the military services, as well as the Air Force. They are a major part of the institution, bringing recent experiences in the field into our discussions, and tending to help focus the conversation on effectiveness. CNAS doesn’t care about ideology, it cares about what works.
One thing a think tank should do is look at tomorrow as well as today. So, while everyone else in town who can spell “counterinsurgency” is honking on about Afghanistan and Iran,
Marine Lt. Col. Jeff G
, a CNAS fellow, has been mulling a problem closer to home: Cuba. He’s a three tour vet of Iraq who before coming to CNAS commanded Marine Wing Communications Squadron 28 in Cherry Point, N.C.
Cuba is something that could get very big, just as soon as Fidel dies-and that, for all we know, could be tomorrow. So it is best to start thinking about it now:
The Obama administration’s decision to extend the U.S. economic trade embargo on Cuba for an additional year is detrimental to our national and regional security and further emboldens our economic, military, and infrastructure rivals. What is most perplexing is the fact that earlier this summer the Obama administration decided to relax some of the regulations regarding personal travel and personal money transfers from Cuban-Americans to their relatives in Cuba, as well as telecommunication exchanges between private U.S. and state-run Cuban companies: all are steps in the right direction for U.S. interests – but are not enough. While these relaxed restrictions are certainly a step forward in normalizing relations, these steps do not outweigh the heavy diplomatic, information, and economic influence of Brazil, Venezuela, Nicaragua, China, Russia, India, and Iran, all of whom support the Cuban government and all of whom seek to be peer competitors with the United States.
In short, the U.S. unilateral embargo will continue to retard regional security and stability, and further serve to erode our influence in the Americas at a time when U.S. credibility is globally scrutinized. The arguably outdated and undeniably ineffective embargo will continue to halt progress at every turn; more specifically, the diplomatic influence and credibility of the U.S., the social and political progress of Cuba, and the security and stability progress of the region. The U.S. embargo will continue to impede potential and future cultural and scientific trade investments, shared agricultural advancements, and pertinent meteorological and environmental exchanges regarding the shared Florida Straits ecology.
Furthermore, the U.S. unilateral embargo will continue to encourage Cuba to partner with Russia, China, and Brazil for off-shore oil and natural gas exploration within the shared U.S. and Cuban economic exclusion zone. The U.S. embargo will continue to endear many of the poor Caribbean and Central American nations to the Chavez Venezuelan PetroCaribe initiative, and the embargo will ensure that no official U.S. – Cuban dialogue and/or planned cooperative action occurs with regards to such crucial issues as regional and transnational criminal organizations, illegal immigration and extortion issues, and the growing Islamic influence on Latin American from Iranian, Syrian, and Lebanese diasporas.
We must face the facts: the U.S. efforts to isolate and force a regime change in Cuba for nearly half a century have failed. These 50 years have successfully driven Cuba to aggressively seek support elsewhere, as is evident in their forming and fostering diplomatic ties, seeking infrastructure support, establishing military liaisons, and accepting economic support from every government in the Americas – to include Canada – with the exception of the United States. Most of Cuba’s economic and diplomatic partners have “Leftist” governments with close ties to state and non-state Islamic fundamentalists, porous national borders and often rampant organized crime cartels coupled with violent gang warfare fueled by drug trafficking, human trafficking, and extortion. After all, Cuba has the backing of Hugo Chavez’ endorsed ALBA and doctors for oil initiative, Evo Morales’ endorsed MAS, China’s $600M economic and trade stimulus grant, and Brazil’s $300M infrastructure and modernization credit to list a few. To be sure, the United States should be very concerned with the company that Cubans keep.
A less adversarial tone with Cuba will reestablish much needed dialogue in the region and help address shared national border security vulnerabilities, transnational and regional crime consortiums, and environmental and ecological initiatives. The necessity for the Obama administration to lift the U.S. economic embargo is painfully obvious. It would enhance the region’s security, promote economic prosperity, establish shared environmental regulations, and help re-establish our credibility and leadership vis-à-vis some of our most prominent global allies and competitors. Lastly, let’s ask ourselves, “Has our 50 year embargo brought Cuba any closer to democracy, or have we denied the Cubans an opportunity to see the best that our free and democratic society offers?”
I think the colonel is right. The embargo has been Fidel’s best friend, and hasn’t done the Cuban people any good. It is time to change this.
Flickr user: AaronE™
Thomas E. Ricks is a former contributing editor to Foreign Policy. Twitter: @tomricks1
More from Foreign Policy
Chinese Hospitals Are Housing Another Deadly Outbreak
Authorities are covering up the spread of antibiotic-resistant pneumonia.
Henry Kissinger, Colossus on the World Stage
The late statesman was a master of realpolitik—whom some regarded as a war criminal.
The West’s False Choice in Ukraine
The crossroads is not between war and compromise, but between victory and defeat.
Washington wants to get tough on China, and the leaders of the House China Committee are in the driver’s seat.