Europe’s Awkward Embrace
European conservatives should imitate U.S. politicians and learn to love immigrants.
The pursuit of the Latino vote has become the holy grail of politics in the United States, with President George W. Bush delivering radio addresses in Spanish and members of congress sending staffers to learn español. Europe's politicians should take note. Today, if German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder delivered a speech in Turkish, critics would immediately accuse him of capitulating to the Ottoman invaders. Many conservative strategists in countries such as Germany still believe that a pro-immigrant agenda is a first-class ticket to electoral defeat. But Europe's political future needs conservative parties that embrace immigrants, particularly Europe's growing Muslim population. And, believe it or not, immigrants need the conservatives just as badly.
The pursuit of the Latino vote has become the holy grail of politics in the United States, with President George W. Bush delivering radio addresses in Spanish and members of congress sending staffers to learn español. Europe’s politicians should take note. Today, if German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder delivered a speech in Turkish, critics would immediately accuse him of capitulating to the Ottoman invaders. Many conservative strategists in countries such as Germany still believe that a pro-immigrant agenda is a first-class ticket to electoral defeat. But Europe’s political future needs conservative parties that embrace immigrants, particularly Europe’s growing Muslim population. And, believe it or not, immigrants need the conservatives just as badly.
In the United States, the simplistic notion that Latino voters necessarily cast their lot with the Democratic Party is no longer valid. In the 2000 U.S. presidential election, Latino support for the Democratic candidate fell by nearly 10 percent from 1996 levels. This new disloyalty is somewhat unfair: Immigrants may expect more of the Democrats, whereas they reward Republican politicians for little more than token gestures of cultural affinity. Nevertheless, both Republicans and Democrats actively vie for minority support. Latino platforms such as the National Council of La Raza do an excellent job of inserting their concerns — such as reducing poverty and discrimination, and improving living conditions for U.S. Latinos — into the political fray. More recently, Republicans and Latinos have found common ground on family and community values, a shared respect for the place of religion and faith in society, and a desire for law and order. (Left-leaning parties have historically been more confrontational with the church and less comfortable with overt expressions of piety.) This conservative-immigrant alliance will only become stronger in the future.
By contrast, European conservative parties — such as Germany’s Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union, Spain’s Popular Party, or Poland’s Civic Platform — have not even considered love at second sight. Even though conservatives still fancy themselves the drivers of European integration, many remain skeptical of immigrants. German conservatives have already made clear that they will campaign against Turkey’s entry into the European Union (EU) in the run-up to the 2004 EU parliamentary elections. Other conservative parties in Europe are likely to join this effort. Conservatives complain that immigrants fail to embrace European customs and traditions, and they obsess over the supposed clash of Christianity and Islam.
By the same token, European immigrants have never really engaged with conservative parties in order to influence key issues such as immigration legislation or Turkey’s EU membership. Conservative immigrants in particular remain politically isolated in Europe; their poor language proficiency and weak knowledge about their host societies often keep the best immigrant minds from joining mainstream political associations. In Germany, for instance, Turks are not represented in either federal or state government, and the public relations efforts of many traditional Turkish associations and umbrella organizations rarely reach beyond daily Turkish newspapers. (Hürriyet, a Turkish daily with special European editions, tends to wallow in self-pity, while the Central Council of Muslims in Germany does little more than issue defensive statements when it feels attacked.)
At first, the thought of European conservatives wooing Muslim voters seems a bit bizarre. But traditional conservative voters in Europe have much more in common with many Muslims than either side cares to admit, and ethnic minorities will only grow as a potentially crucial electoral force. Some conservative parties are beginning to see the light: In Italy, for example, the far-right National Alliance surprised observers across the political spectrum when it proposed granting voting rights for immigrants last October.
Meanwhile, Europe’s immigrants should organize and finally begin to influence Europe’s future on issues ranging from the new constitution to education reform and social policy. Here, a close look at Latinos in the United States would help, as the challenges facing Hispanic-Americans mirror those confronting many European immigrant groups. Europe’s ethnic associations must learn to shift their focus from the politics of their homeland and become more serious and respected political players in domestic policy areas. In the United States, the National Council of La Raza educates national, state, and local legislators and policymakers on how best to address the needs of the Latino constituency. The council also offers university scholarships for Latino students, promotes Latino business interests, and produces original research on political and economic trends in the Latino community. Council board members stress group cohesion over party affiliation and successfully network with both Republicans and Democrats. European immigrants should embrace this non-dogmatic approach as well.
Immigrants will build stronger communities as well as enhance their political influence only if their European host country becomes the focal point of their lives and interests. If Turkish parents in Germany wish to ensure a brighter future for their children, they would be better off knowing the names of their children’s teachers rather than the names of Turkey’s leading military officers. Those who continue to look to Ankara for answers will never play a constructive role in German society.
If Europe’s conservative parties are not interested in taking lessons in immigrant politics from the United States, they might consider the example of France. In 2003, the conservative French government established the French Council for the Muslim Religion to address the needs of the roughly 5-million strong Muslim minority. And in 2002, French President Jacques Chirac recognized that a more pluralist National Assembly could promote social unity.
By following the leads from Washington and Paris and embracing the ideas and energy of Europe’s immigrants, European conservative parties can play a leading role in integrating European Muslims into mainstream society — and gain new supporters at the same time.
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