Who’s in town? The U.N.’s top man in Afghanistan

The head of all United Nations operations in Afghanistan visited Washington Thursday and met with Special Representative Richard Holbrooke and other administration officials.

Staffan de Mistura, a Swedish diplomat who previously served in Iraq, replaced former U.N. Kabul chief Kai Eide, who left his post after a bitter public feud with his second in command, Amb. Peter Galbraith, about the U.N.’s lack of reponse to the allegedly massive fraud perpetrated by Afghan leader Hamid Karzai in last year’s presidential elections.

As Kabul races toward new elections and Karzai leads a project to seek reconciliation with the Taliban, de Mistura serves as the watchful eye of the international community and the leader of over 7,000 U.N. international and local employees in and around Kabul. He sat down for an exclusive interview with The Cable to give his take on all things Afghanistan.

JR: What is your message to American policymakers about Afghanistan?

Staffan de Mistura: The message here is basically threefold. We are poised in focusing on three areas … the U.N. is focusing on elections, on the regional context, and on the internal dialogue. The second message is that we are maintaining a substantial number of our own people and that we will do so by being very attentive of the security situation but also staying to do our job during this critical period. The third one is about the Kabul conference, which is the next rendezvous taking place on the 20th of July, and to make sure, since the U.N. is co-chairing the conference, that it is very productive.

JR: What is your current assessment of the progress of the international mission in Afghanistan?

SDM: We are just in the middle of crossing a river at the moment. It can go in all directions, but it is a critical, crucial moment. And therefore, when you are swimming in the middle of a very heavy current, and you are in the middle of the river, you had better be resilient and determined …  I would like to meet you in three months’ time to make an assessment instead.

JR: How does the arrival of Gen. David Petraeus as the top U.S. military commander in Afghanistan change the situation on the ground?

SDM: I’ve met and seen and worked with General Petraeus when we were in the same city [Baghdad] for two years and I saw him in action. So I feel very comfortable that he will be bringing his own style. I’m not talking about policy, but he will be bringing his own approach. Not about a change in strategy but in the way you operate, in the way you respect the local environment and combine military, political, and diplomatic skills. In that sense, I see a lot of positive opportunities in the arrival of General Petraeus.

JR: You worked with Amb. Ryan Crocker in Iraq. What were some of his traits that made him successful in that role?

SDM: He had remarkable diplomatic skills. Second, he was an extremely good listener. At the same time, he had very good knowledge of the Arab mentality and the Islamic environment. He had the capacity, which is rare, to have a quick analysis, synthesis, and then come up with the operational points, which makes him a born leader.

JR: Who do you consider to be the lead U.S. official on Afghanistan? Ambassador Holbrooke? General Petraeus? Ambassador Eikenberry?

SDM: As far as I’m concerned, it’s President Obama.

JR: Do you acknowledge that President Obama’s July 11 timeline to begin withdrawing troops is being manipulated by America’s enemies to dissuade Afghans from relying on the coalition?

SDM: What I do acknowledge is the fact that President Karzai and many Afghans are very much aware of the fact that in the past there have been many occasions where the Afghans felt they were abandoned and that has an impact on them … That aspect is an important psychological and historical factor that is affecting not only the president but every Afghan. So some type of formula or assurance that whatever happens in July will not mean that the international community turns the page and says goodbye to Afghanistan, particularly if at that time we are seeing the light at the end of the tunnel, becomes an important psychological factor, even in ensuring that the Afghans believe they need to find a solution.

JR: You are personally involved in reviewing the list of terrorists used to govern the reconciliation process.

SDM: The list includes 137 names … We need to revisit this list. There is no other way than to do it case by case, one after the other, obtain the sufficient documentation and evidence that either they are not alive or that they have given up on their militancy and their use of violence to obtain whatever they want. I’m optimistic that there is momentum around that.

JR: Do you believe groups such as the Haqqani network and Taliban leaders like Mullah Omar can or should be reconciled with?

SDM: The basic parameters set up by the Afghans themselves at the peace jirga are quite clear: Give up on your connection with foreign terrorists, give up on the use of violence and force, and respect the constitution. If anyone among those on the list or anywhere else would be acknowledging these three points, I would be surprised if the Afghans themselves or the Security Council would not take that into serious consideration.

JR: Do you believe General Petraeus should change the rules of engagement in Afghanistan?

SDM: Any civilian casualty produces a lot of outrage and can produce additional insurgency instead of the opposite. From a human rights point of view it’s a very difficult thing to accept. So I’m expecting if he would be very much conscious of that in Afghanistan, like he was in Iraq… I can tell you that 72 percent of all civilian victims are not caused by the international community but by the insurgency.

JR: About Karzai, what is being done to make sure the next elections don’t have the same massive fraud as the last one?

SDM: President Karzai has probably the most dangerous, complicated, and difficult job as a president at the moment. So one has to acknowledge this is quite a challenging job. I think Karzai is aware that the U.N. — and it’s going to be my job to show that — that the U.N. has a moral authority and an autonomy, independence, and impartiality that needs to be respected. The president is fully aware of that. The test will be when there will be moments when we have to exercise that aspect. At the same time, we need to be aware of one thing: We are guests, all of us, and we need to respect the culture, the tradition, and the pride of the Afghan people. So a combination of the two elements will probably be the best formula.