News Brief: Iraqi church hostage crisis ends in bloodshed

Iraqi church hostage crisis ends in bloodshed
An attempt by Iraqi security forces to free dozens of hostages inside a Catholic church in Baghdad has left at least 52 people killed. Gunmen who are suspected of having ties to al Qaeda had been holding more than 100 worshipers hostage. The raid resulted in the arrest of eight suspects but at least 25 of those killed were hostages. The kidnappers were demanding the release of al Qaeda prisoners from Iraqi and Egyptian jails. The Islamic State of Iraq — an al Qaeda-linked group — claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement posted online after the raid. An eye witness inside the church said the attackers went into the prayer hall and immediately killed the priest, while worshipers were beaten and herded into another hall. Iraqi Christians have been frequent targets for Sunni insurgents, and have been leaving Iraq since the U.S. invasion in 2003. Catholics used to represent 2.89 percent of Iraq in 1980, but by 2008 they were only .89 percent.

• U.S. hunts a Saudi bombmaker in last week’s failed cargo bomb plot.
• New study says Palestinians face increasing settler violence.
• Chief PLO negotiator says Palestinians will take their issue to the U.N.   
• New head of Britain’s armed forces says Britain should not be committing troops to police Yemen.
• Bahrain’s lower chamber is in the midst of a power struggle.

Daily Snapshot

An Iraqi man walks outside the Sayidat al-Nejat Catholic Cathedral, or Syrian Catholic Church, in central Baghdad on November 1, 2010, the morning after seven security force members and 37 Christians were killed when US and Iraqi forces stormed the cathedral to free dozens of hostages in an attack claimed by an Al-Qaeda group (SABAH ARAR/AFP/Getty Images).

Arguments & Analysis
‘The Saudi-state clerical relationship‘ (Christopher Boucek, The Daily Star)
In August, Saudi King Abullah issued a royal edict that declared only officially-approved religious scholars may issues fatwas. In so doing, he strengthened what has technically been a legal fact since 2005, but which until now has seldom been enforced. The move illustrates the government’s attempt to assert itself more forcefullly over the country’s myriad sub-state religious institutions. Key point: “Regarding state-clerical relations more generally, contrary to popular belief the government rarely consults the ulema [clerics] during the deliberative process. More often than not, the government does as it likes and then seeks approval after the fact. Traditionally issues such as foreign policy, national defense and international affairs have been the purview of the state, while issues related to religion and society such as justice, education and family matters had been given to the religious establishment. Recently, the Saudi state has been working to reclaim control of these areas.”

‘It’s not just the AKP‘ (Daphne McCurdy, Project on Middle East Democracy)
Many commentators viewed the successful Turkish referendum on its constitution last month as a vindication of the ruling AK party’s democratic bonafides. Yet the the ultimate story in the country’s quest to shake off its lingering authortiarian legacy would be to see a credible opposition — something the current Republican’s People Party (CHP) has failed to provide. Though it has shown some positive signs under the new leadership of Kemal Kilicdaroglu, it has still fallen short. “… As the referendum results demonstrated, the CHP as a whole still didn’t get it. Despite the optimism surrounding Kilicdaroglu’s ascent, the CHP campaign ultimately focused on vilifying Erdogan and fear-mongering — tired tactics that missed the point… those in support of the referendum were not rejecting secularism; they were rejecting military interference and an infringement of civil liberties. Although the CHP had valid reasons for opposing the reform package, the AKP successfully depicted the “no” campaign as a vote in support of military coups, casting the CHP once again as the defender of the status-quo.”

‘Israel and its Orthodox Jews: exceptional difficulties’ (The Economist)
As finance minister from 2003 to 2005, Benjamin Netanyahu was a firm advocate of making Israelis work (and viable candidates in a competitive global economy) — a not insignificant stance considering the haredim community whose menfolk largely subsist in the course of their daily yeshiva study only through government largesse. As prime minister now, Netanyahu is finding it harder to take as firm a line against the hand outs he previously fought so earnestly against. In the present condition, his party coalition depends upon two orthodox parties and his inner battles are thus becoming ever more contentious.