Mideast news brief: France recognizes Libyan rebels as government of Libya

A Yemeni shows the palms of his hands as protesters demand an end to the regime of President Ali Abdullah Saleh in Sanaa on March 10, 2011. Saleh promised a referendum on a new constitution to devolve power to parliament, but the offer has been swiftly rejected by the opposition (AHMAD GHARABLI/AFP/Getty Images).

Arguments & Analysis

‘Arab myths and realities’ (Marwan Muasher, Carnegie Endowment for Int’l Peace)

In light of the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, the author explores 5 myths about the Arab world which have now been upended. One takeaway:“The West is often afraid that democracy will give Islamists the opening they need to gain control – a fear that Arab regimes exploit to justify maintaining closed political systems. But Islamists did not play a big role in Egypt or Tunisia, and they are not expected to lead any of the new governments that are formed – though they are an important part of Arab societies and should play a role in their emerging regimes. So it is untrue that the only viable alternative to unrelenting absolutist rule must be Islamist. The protests are clearly the result of ordinary citizens becoming fed up with corruption, the lack of any semblance of rule of law, and arbitrary treatment. There is an opportunity here to start developing pluralistic systems where not only Islamists, but also other parties and discourses can play a role.”

‘Promise and peril: women and the ‘Arab Spring” (Deniz Kandiyoti, Open Democracy)

The transition after the uprising in Egypt will be of vital importance for the protection of minority rights and a fully pluralistic and representative society. In particular, the right of women remain in peril and must be actively defended. Bottom line: “In short, whatever the sociological realities on the ground there is no automatic path leading from a mobilized citizenry to an inclusive democracy, from aspirations to governance. The nature of the political compacts in successor regimes will be absolutely crucial to determining the degrees of latitude for a politics of gender equality,(or,for that matter, for a pluralist politics of inclusion). The greatest peril lies in truncated and aborted transitions where women’s rights are offered up as an item of populist compromise.”

Meanwhile, Glen Johnson writes on ‘The Other Side of Tahrir Square’, documenting the abuse of women in the square by a mob of men on International Women’s Day.

‘Bombs over Tripoli’ (Bruce Riedel, The National Interest)

The author cautions against the rush to institute a Western-imposed no-fly zone in Libya, and warns of potential consequences. Bottom line: “…if the no-fly zone does not stop Qaddafi’s rampage against his own people we would have to use our airpower alone, send in the Marines or stand by helplessly while flying overhead. So if we decide to get involved we should have no doubts that pottery rules apply. If we break it, we own it. Of course, we will also have to pay for it. At a time when the American people seem to want their government to do less and spend less, another war (on the top of the two we already have) is not consistent with fiscal discipline. Maybe the Libyans will pay us back after we help them take Tripoli. Maybe not. Maybes are not cash in the bank.” Arguing for a more forceful U.S. role in Time, Fareed Zakaria writes:

So the U.S. must follow through in its efforts to get Gaddafi out of office, pushing all diplomatic levers and seeking maximum multilateral support. It should ask the Libyan opposition for a public set of requests, so that Washington is seen as responding to Libyans, not imposing its will. If the Libyans request military assistance, Washington should move in that direction. I don’t believe that a no-fly zone is a magic bullet. It is a high-profile policy that puts the U.S. military directly into the conflict but would actually make little difference. Gaddafi’s main advantage is not in the air but on the ground. He has tanks, armored vehicles and massive firepower. The basic military question is hence how to shift the balance of power away from him and toward the rebels. Over the past five decades, the U.S. has had very mixed results when it has intervened, by air or land, in other people’s wars. But it has done pretty well when it has helped one side of the struggle. Arming rebels in Afghanistan, Central America and Africa has proved to be a relatively low-cost policy with high rates of success. Giving arms, food, logistical help, intelligence and other such tools to the Libyan opposition would boost its strength and give it staying power.