The South Asia Channel

A unifying force lost

The June 5, 2012 drone strike that killed Abu Yahya al-Libi is a major milestone in America’s long-term effort to break the back of al-Qaida’s general command. With Abu Yahya al-Libi’s death, al-Qaida has lost its last great unifier, a man who possessed the rare talents and credentials to keep an inherently unwieldy global movement ...

-/AFP/Getty Images
-/AFP/Getty Images

The June 5, 2012 drone strike that killed Abu Yahya al-Libi is a major milestone in America’s long-term effort to break the back of al-Qaida’s general command. With Abu Yahya al-Libi’s death, al-Qaida has lost its last great unifier, a man who possessed the rare talents and credentials to keep an inherently unwieldy global movement on track and in line. Without their ideological enforcer standing guard, the various al-Qaida affiliates and militants will invariably begin to wander off al-Qaida’s sanctioned path.

Although depicted by the U.S. government as al-Qaida’s "number two," his role as an administrator was hardly what made him so critical to al-Qaida. Abu Yahya al-Libi will be remembered within al-Qaida’s circles as one of their staunchest ideological defenders, uncompromising internal whips and charismatic, populist leaders. He epitomized the "mujahid shaykh" archetype, one of only a handful of leaders who al-Qaida’s rank-in-file intellectually revered, emotionally loved and religiously emulated.

A revolutionary to his core, the bureaucratic success of the al-Qaida organization was never Abu Yahya’s end goal. Al-Qaida was a matter of convenience, a ready-made architecture that he almost begrudgingly joined after escaping from an American military prison in July 2005. As the last group standing, al-Qaida would be Abu Yahya’s best chance for advancing his agenda, one that far exceeded the goals of even al-Qaida’s top brass. Abu Yahya not only wanted to get the Americans out and tear Arab regimes down, he wanted to remake Islam from the inside. Abu Yahya was an intellectual insurgent of Machiavellian proportions.  

For most of his early career, Abu Yahya was of the same mind about al-Qaida as many of his Libyan jihadist compatriots who joined the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan in the late 1980s. Osama bin Laden was a man to be respected from arms-length. His deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, could not be trusted, and should be avoided. Instead, Abu Yahya – whose real name is Hasan Qaid, dedicated the next ten years of his life to gaining the religious knowledge he needed to help support the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group’s (LIFG) cause to oust Muammar Gaddafi and implement Shariah in Libya.

Under the moniker Younis al-Sahrawi, Abu Yahya did at least two separate stints in Mauritania during the mid-1990s studying under heavyweight hardline Salafi shaykhs. The combination of his natural intellect, easygoing populist appeal, and this formal religious credentialing vaulted him into the LIFG’s upper echelon. Returning to Afghanistan in the late-1990s with many of his Libyan jihadist colleagues, Abu Yahya forged close bonds with the Taliban’s media and public relations managers, even serving as one of their webmasters in 2000-2001. He would be arrested in his Karachi flat in 2002 by Pakistani security forces, who transferred him to American custody, eventually landing him back in Afghanistan in one of America’s most tightly guarded military prisons at Bagram.

After spending three years in American custody, Abu Yahya and three colleagues staged a daring jailbreak from Bagram in July 2005, which would mark the beginning of his meteoric rise to global jihadist stardom. At this time, al-Qaida’s brand was getting hammered.  Abu Musab al-Zarqawi’s gratuitous use of violence in Iraq and Jordan had provoked a catastrophic public relations backlash for the organization. Then al-Qaida number two, Ayman al-Zawahiri, tried to control the damage through a recalibration of al-Qaida’s public messaging and a sternly phrased letter to Zarqawi, but neither was enough.  Without a heavy-hitting religious defense, usually provided by a troika of Saudi shaykhs who by then had all been jailed, al-Qaida could not make a meaningful religious defense.  They needed an in-house shaykh who had the charisma and media-savvy to push back against external critics and internal miscreants.  Enter Abu Yahya al-Libi. 

His initial post-escape media appearances on a Taliban-affiliated media outlet, Labaik Media, reflected Abu Yahya’s reticence to officially link himself to al-Qaida’s organizational apparatus. In December 2005, Abu Yahya penned his own letter to his longstanding personal friend Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. That relationship, combined with Abu Yahya’s clerical gravitas and a follow-on letter from another respected Libyan, Atiyah abd al-Rahman, helped muzzle Zarqawi in a way that Zawahiri was not able to do alone.

It would not be until 2006 that Abu Yahya decided to appear under the auspices of al-Qaida’s official media outlet, As-Sahab.  Some of the prodding to play a formal role in al-Qaida likely came from his close friend and confidant, Abu Laith al-Libi, who not long after would announce the formal merger of his offshoot of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group with al-Qaida. By 2006, Abu Yahya was releasing new products at a feverish pace, each one seeming to up the ante in its extremism, absolutism and militancy. 

Abu Yahya’s decision to shift from his local focus on Libyan Islamist militancy to that of al-Qaida’s global jihadist terrorism may have been an outgrowth of his personal need for vengeance against the United States for the treatment he claims that he endured while in captivity, three years of conversations with other detainees about their treatment and experiences with the United States, and a pragmatic realization that al-Qaida was the only game in town with any real chance at mobilizing a global revolution. Whatever the case, it was precisely the kind of intellectual sophistication and scholarly depth for which al-Qaida had been so desperate.

In the short six years that Abu Yahya al-Libi had been affiliated with al-Qaida, he helped resuscitate the senior leadership, which had been operationally defeated and religiously battered. He breathed new life into their ideology and restored their position as the vanguard of al-Qaida’s global movement.  His importance to al-Qaida cannot be overstated and, therefore, neither can the impact of his death on its future.

A near-term uptick in al-Qaida affiliate attacks on soft targets would not be surprising – neither would increased levels of in-fighting within and across the multiple levels of al-Qaida’s global movement. With no one left to check the zealotry of al-Qaida’s eager but undisciplined young generation, the future of al-Qaida without Abu Yahya will be more chaotic and interested in using violence for the sake of violence.  All the public relations efforts that the senior leadership have made in recent years to spin al-Qaida as a kinder, gentler movement  will be squandered, eventually culminating in the dissolution of what limited coherence al-Qaida’s global movement has managed to maintain.

Jarret Brachman is a counterterrorism expert currently on faculty at North Dakota State University.

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