Venezuela without Chavez: The rapidly approaching reality

By Daniel Kerner and Risa Grais-Targow

The Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela is rapidly approaching its biggest test yet: The defiant Hugo Chavez, the man who has personified Venezuelan politics for 14 years, has publicly admitted that his days as president may be numbered. His movement has a slight edge in elections that are likely to be called within months, but much will depend on the president’s ability to transfer his personal appeal to his chosen successor.

Throughout multiple treatments for what appears to be cancer, Chavez had refused to publicly acknowledge that he may be too weak to lead his country. But on December 8 he announced that he would need a fourth round of surgery in Cuba, and named Vice President Nicolas Maduro as his successor, setting in motion plans for a potentially rapid transition.

According to the Venezuelan constitution, new elections must be held within 30 days should the president be forced to step aside before inauguration day (January 10) or during his first four years in office. Maduro would likely face Miranda Governor Henrique Capriles Radonski, whom Chavez defeated by about 10 percentage points in the October 7 presidential election.

Anointing a successor is a clear admission by Chavez that he is unlikely to complete his six-year term, making an election inevitable. There are three main reasons the government will likely call for a vote as soon as possible.

The future of Chavismo depends on Chavez’s ability to transform a movement that is largely based on a cult of personality to one that can survive without him in perpetuity. Chavez remains popular, despite the fact that a majority of the public thinks poorly of the government’s ability to solve problems. Chavez therefore needs to aggressively make the case to the Venezuelan people that Maduro has the talent and vision to carry on the revolution. Chavez’s ability to campaign for Maduro is uncertain, but it will only lessen with time.

Second, foreign exchange dynamics are untenable for much longer. The country has an unorthodox three-tiered exchange system, with two different official rates for businesses and individuals needing dollars, as well as a parallel (illegal) rate. Black-market rates indicate that the bolivar should be much weaker than it is in the official windows, and dollars are becoming increasingly scarce.

The government would likely prefer to hold fresh elections before a devaluation, which would propel already-high inflation and be politically costly for Maduro’s candidacy. In the meantime, the government can rely on domestic and foreign debt issuance to meet fiscal and foreign exchange needs to buttress the political environment in Maduro’s favor. 

Finally, Chavismo wants to capitalize on an opposition that remains weak and divided following Capriles Radonski’s defeat, by forcing it to compete before an official candidate selection process can take place. Capriles Radonski faces a gubernatorial election on 16 December, which he is likely to win. But if he does not, the opposition will have to scramble to coalesce around a new candidate in a short amount of time.

That said, the opposition is likely to take advantage of its best chance to win since Chavez came to power by uniting around a single candidate. It is far from certain that Chavez will be successful in transferring his personal appeal to Maduro, but Chavismo retains a slight edge in the coming election.

Regardless of who wins, Venezuela faces a very challenging 2013. Maduro would be forced to make difficult economic adjustments and manage divisions within Chavismo. An opposition president would have to make the same adjustments before setting out on a reform course, but would face even more obstruction from Chavismo stakeholders across the state apparatus.

Daniel Kerner is an analyst in Eurasia Group’s Latin America practice. Risa Grais-Targow is an associate in the firm’s Latin America practice.