authoritarianism

A veteran observer of elections in troubled countries describes the undeniable parallels.

Pandemics are not always transformative events. While some worrying preexisting trends could accelerate, it’s incorrect to assume that the coronavirus will end globalization, kill liberal democracy, or enhance China’s soft power.

China is slowly killing the global human rights regime. Defending it requires Washington’s full engagement.

Middle Eastern regimes increasingly aren’t just targeting dissidents—they’re going after their entire families.

In under a year, Gotabaya Rajapaksa—the former defense secretary-turned-president—has bent the democracy to its breaking point.

The EU must defend its values rather than caving to economic pressure from Beijing.

Donald Trump’s use of violence and division isn’t a symbol of authority—it’s a sign of desperation.

Democracies are far more effective at combating national crises, but that hasn’t stopped despots across the world from trying to tighten their grip.

Hungary’s authoritarian leader has granted himself dictatorial powers, but his neglect of the country’s health system and his powerlessness in the face of a depreciating currency will come back to haunt him.

Western democracies may lose the coronavirus propaganda war, but China certainly won’t win it.

While the world is shut down, history hasn’t stopped. Authoritarians are seizing the opportunity.

The pandemic offers dictators—and democracies alike—an opportunity for abuse.

And moves like his Jan. 15 announcement generally work—both to secure a leader’s power and ensure a favorable transition down the road.

Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s death won’t eliminate the threat of Islamist extremism so long as autocratic regimes continue to hold sway in the Middle East.

If the U.S. president is impeached and removed from office, don’t expect him to accept the result.

Russia and Kazakhstan have plenty in common. Why not the transition plans for their longtime presidents?

Why authoritarians have grown more liberal as democracies have grown more authoritarian.

The British model of filtering data rather than content can protect citizens while preserving an open internet.

Chaos and dysfunction in Washington and London make liberal democratic government look bad—and embolden China and Russia to market authoritarianism as an efficient alternative.